{"id":576,"date":"2026-06-07T20:19:03","date_gmt":"2026-06-07T20:19:03","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/?p=576"},"modified":"2026-06-07T20:19:05","modified_gmt":"2026-06-07T20:19:05","slug":"who-moves-the-confirmation-clock","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/2026\/06\/07\/who-moves-the-confirmation-clock\/","title":{"rendered":"Who Moves the Confirmation Clock"},"content":{"rendered":"\n<p>When a president nominates someone to lead a federal agency, the confirmation process is often described as a negotiation between the White House and the Senate. That view is incomplete. Organized interests are also part of the process, and their influence can begin well before many nominees ever take office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These positions rarely draw public attention. They include assistant secretaries, deputy administrators, commissioners, and other officials who help direct federal agencies. Yet the people who fill these offices shape policy across government, from health and finance to labor, energy, and the environment.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The stakes are high because delay is not harmless. When positions remain empty, government work slows. Agencies may wait for leadership. Policy decisions may be postponed. Sometimes the vacancy itself becomes a political strategy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">&nbsp;<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">The Jobs Few People Watch<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p>Every presidential administration sends hundreds of executive branch nominations to the Senate. Some nominees move quickly, while others wait for months. Some are confirmed, and some are withdrawn by the president, while others are returned to the president without final Senate action.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Political scientists have shown that divided government, presidential approval, committee ideology, and the importance of the office can affect how long nominees wait. Our study asks whether organized interests also help explain why some nominations move forward while others stall.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Interest groups have strong reasons to care. Federal agencies interpret and implement federal law. The officials who lead those agencies can affect how rules are written, how statutes are enforced, and how policy develops in practice. For groups affected by agency action, a nomination can be an early and important opportunity to shape government.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">&nbsp;<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Listening for Organized Interests<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p>We studied 3,845 executive branch nominations from 1999 to 2018. For each nomination, we collected evidence of interest group support and opposition from Senate hearing materials and news coverage. This allowed us to observe both formal activity inside the Senate and public activity outside it. We then measured two forms of involvement. The first was quantity, or the number of groups supporting or opposing a nominee. The second was power, or whether the groups involved occupied a central place in broader networks of organized interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Power in this sense does not mean volume. It does not mean that a group issued the most statements or appeared most often in the news. It refers to a group\u2019s position in a wider network of organized interests. Groups that are more central in these networks are better connected and better positioned to send signals that senators may treat as useful information. This distinction matters. A nomination may attract many groups, but the number of voices is not the same as the influence of the voices being heard.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">&nbsp;<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Power Matters More Than Numbers<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p>With those distinctions in mind, the results are striking. The number of groups supporting or opposing a nominee has little effect on the pace of the process. What matters is whether powerful groups are involved.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>When a powerful interest group supports a nominee, confirmation moves faster. In our analysis, powerful support increases the rate of confirmation by 42 percent. When a powerful group opposes a nominee, confirmation slows. Powerful opposition decreases the rate of confirmation by 45 percent and makes a return to the president more likely.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>These are not small differences. The average nomination in our data took about 70 days from formal nomination to outcome. Some nominees moved in over the past few days. Others waited more than a year. Powerful, organized interests help explain this variation. The graph below illustrates the gap directly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<figure class=\"wp-block-image size-large\"><img loading=\"lazy\" decoding=\"async\" width=\"1024\" height=\"494\" src=\"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/234\/2026\/06\/fig3a_final-1024x494.png\" alt=\"\" class=\"wp-image-577\" srcset=\"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/234\/2026\/06\/fig3a_final-1024x494.png 1024w, https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/234\/2026\/06\/fig3a_final-300x145.png 300w, https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/234\/2026\/06\/fig3a_final-768x370.png 768w, https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-content\/uploads\/sites\/234\/2026\/06\/fig3a_final.png 1280w\" sizes=\"auto, (max-width: 1024px) 100vw, 1024px\" \/><\/figure>\n\n\n\n<p>Figure 1. Cumulative incidence function for confirmation by powerful and weak groups in support. Nominees backed by a powerful interest group (dashed line) are confirmed sooner and at higher rates than those without powerful support (solid line).<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The same pattern appears earlier in the process. Most nominations spend much of their time in committee, where senators and staff review nominees before they reach the Senate floor. Even there, powerful support speeds movement out of committee. A nominee backed by a powerful group moves through the committee at a faster rate than a similar nominee without that support.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Opposition works somewhat differently in committee. Powerful opponents do not appear to slow committee passage for nominees who are headed to the floor, but they do increase the speed of returns to the president. In other words, powerful groups can help move favored nominees along and can help bring disfavored nominations to an end.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">&nbsp;<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<h1 class=\"wp-block-heading\">Why Delay Is Not Neutral<\/h1>\n\n\n\n<p>These findings matter because nomination politics shape the bureaucracy before appointees begin to govern. Public debate often focuses on legislation, elections, and final confirmation votes. But the timing of nominations is also consequential. A delayed nominee means delayed leadership. A returned nominee means a position remains unfilled or must begin the process again.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Our evidence suggests that organized interests influence not only which policy fights receive attention, but also how quickly the government fills offices that carry out policy. The most powerful groups do more than take positions. They help determine who waits, who advances, and when decisions occur.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>This raises a familiar democratic concern in a less familiar setting. One vision of representation holds that government responds to the breadth of organized opinion \u2014 that when many groups speak, elected officials listen. On that view, the number of voices in the nomination process would be what moves senators. Our findings suggest otherwise. Senators appear to respond not to volume but to standing. It is the most powerful groups \u2014 those best connected within broader networks of organized interests \u2014 whose involvement shifts the pace of confirmation. That concentration of influence is a democratic concern worth taking seriously. The nomination process operates largely outside public view, which means that when powerful interests shape its timing, there is little pressure to push back.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>While most executive nominations escape public attention, that should not make them seem unimportant. The officials who lead federal agencies help determine how the law becomes policy. Our research shows that powerful organized interests can affect that process before nominees ever arrive in office.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>The confirmation clock is not moved by everyone equally. It is moved most clearly by the voices with the strongest place among organized interests.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><a href=\"https:\/\/www.journals.uchicago.edu\/doi\/abs\/10.1086\/736336\">https:\/\/www.journals.uchicago.edu\/doi\/abs\/10.1086\/736336<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Janet M. Box-Steffensmeier is Vernal Riffe Professor of Political Science, Professor of Sociology by Courtesy, and Distinguished University Professor at The Ohio State University.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Dino P. Christenson is Professor of Political Science and Research Faculty Fellow at the Weidenbaum Center, Washington University in St. Louis.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Lauren Ratliff Santoro is Assistant Professor of Political Science at the University of Texas at Arlington.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p>Elizabeth Steffensmeier is the Senior Analyst at Cornerstone Research.<\/p>\n\n\n\n<p><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>When a president nominates someone to lead a federal agency, the confirmation process is often described as a negotiation between the White House and the Senate. That view is incomplete. Organized interests are also part of the process, and their influence can begin well before many nominees ever take office.<\/p>\n<div class=\"more-link-wrapper\"><a class=\"more-link\" href=\"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/2026\/06\/07\/who-moves-the-confirmation-clock\/\">Continue reading<span class=\"screen-reader-text\">Who Moves the Confirmation Clock<\/span><\/a><\/div>\n","protected":false},"author":631,"featured_media":577,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-576","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-american-politics","entry"],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/576","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/631"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=576"}],"version-history":[{"count":1,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/576\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":578,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/576\/revisions\/578"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/577"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=576"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=576"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/ubwp.buffalo.edu\/jopblog\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=576"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}